Mekorot's Involvement in the Israeli Occupation

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Mekorot's Involvement in the Israeli Occupation

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was issued by Who Profits: The Israeli Occupation Industry on 23 December 2013.]

On 12 December 2013, the largest Dutch water company, Vitens, announced that it had ended its cooperation with Mekorot, an Israeli water company. 

In a public statement, Vitens said:

“Today, Vitens informed Mekorot about its decision to end its partnership. Vitens attaches great importance to integrity and abides by national and international law and regulations.

Following consultations with the parties involved, including the [Dutch] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the company concluded that it would be very difficult jointly to develop possible future projects, considering that these projects cannot be seen separately from the political context. This has led to a decision by the company to end its involvement in the project.” 

In the following days, Vitens found itself in the eye of a media and political storm. Mekorot, by contrast, received relatively little attention, even though it is, in multiple ways, involved in the Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank. 

The Israeli NGO Who Profits has now clarified this involvement, in a new fact sheet: “Mekorot’s involvement in the Israeli occupation”. There, Who Profits lists nine clear manifestations of Mekorot’s active role in conducting and maintaining the Israeli occupation.

Flash Report: Mekorot`s Involvement in the Israeli Occupation 

Mekorot is the national water company of Israel, which supplies 90% of Israel’s drinking water and provides 80% of its water supplies. The company is state-owned.

Mekorot not only operates within Israel’s internationally recognized pre-1967 borders (i.e. within the Green Line), but also in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). It is the Israeli government’s executive arm in the OPT for water issues. In East Jerusalem and other parts of the occupied West Bank, Mekorot supplies water to the settlements. It also supplies a substantial share of the water consumed by Palestinians, who are prevented from developing their own water sector.

As a result, Mekorot is actively involved in conducting and maintaining the Israeli occupation. Below follows an overview of the main manifestations of this involvement.

1. Mekorot profits from Israeli control over a Palestinian captive market under occupation

The company supplies almost half the domestic water consumed by Palestinian communities in the West Bank, making it the largest single water supplier in the OPT. Mekorot’s control over the Palestinian water market was formalized and legitimated by the Oslo Accords, which obliged the Palestinian Authority (PA) to purchase water excavated from Palestinian land from the Israeli company. The Oslo Accords prevent the Palestinians from developing their own water and sanitation sector and erase the possibility of purchasing water from neighboring countries or international corporations. This imposed a state of dependency on the Palestinians, which Mekorot profits from. 

2. Mekorot exploits Palestinian water sources, supplies the settlements and transfers Palestinian water across the Green Line

In 1982 the West Bank water infrastructure controlled by the Israeli army was handed over to Mekorot for the symbolic amount of 1 NIS. Ever since, the company functions as the Israeli government`s executive arm for water issues in the OPT and runs a water network that is linked with the Israeli national network. Under the Oslo Accords the company may extract up to 80% of the Mountain Aquifer’s water, the only source of underground water in the OPT, for use within Israel proper and in Israeli settlement across the West Bank. 

3. Seventy percent of the water allocated to settlements in the occupied Jordan Valleyoriginates in Mekorot drillings

The company is the major and in many cases the sole supplier of water for household and agricultural use in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, in particular in the Jordan Valley. Mekorot also manages the water supply to the Israeli military bases in the OPT.

4. Mekorot enables extensive agricultural production in illegal Israeli settlements

In 2008, 97.5 percent of the water supplied to the settlements in the Jordan Valley was designated for agricultural use. Intensive agricultural production in illegal Israeli settlements depends on the use of water and other natural resources from occupied Palestinian land. The establishment of water facilities by Mekorot enabled the extensive development of Israeli agriculture in the OPT and contributes to the profits made by settlements and settlers from crops and agricultural export. 

5. Mekorot provides much more water to settlements than to Palestinian communities

Israeli per capita water consumption is more than five times higher than that of West Bank Palestinians: 350 liters per person per day in Israel and more than 400 liters per person per day in the settlements, compared to 60 liters per Palestinian per day in the West Bank.

This huge disparity can be illustrated by comparing the situation between adjacent communities. The daily per capita allocation in the Ro’i settlement (for household use only) is around 400 liters. In the nearby Bedouin community of Al-Hadidya, the per capita water consumption is less than 5 percent of this figure: only 20 liters (standard of World Health Organization (WHO): 100 liter per capita per day). Al-Hadidya is not connected to regular water supply, despite its proximity to a major pumping facility of Mekorot (Beka’ot 2). This unequal distribution of water between settlers and Palestinian communities actively contributes to the severe water crisis in parts of the West Bank.

6. To service settlers, Mekorot restricts water supplies to Palestinian communities

Particularly in the dry summer months, Mekorot reduces or temporarily cuts-off supplies to Palestinian communities while Israeli settlers next door continue to be supplied with unrestricted amounts of water. Some 230,000 Israeli settlers in the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) enjoy a continuous flow of water all year long. In addition, Mekorot pipes connecting Palestinian communities are of smaller diameter, reducing the water flow and pressure, as opposed to adequately sized ones for Israeli settlements.

7. Mekorot applies discriminatory water prices, charging Palestinians higher rates than Israelis

The basic price that Mekorot charges settlers and customers in Israel is NIS 1.8 per cubic metre water, compared to an average of NIS 2.5 per cubic metre for Palestinians.

8. Mekorot’s extensive pumping is reducing the water quantity in Palestinian springs and wells

Mekorot`s over-extraction in the OPT has reduced the Mountain Aquifer’s current yield and future reserves and has caused potentially serious damage to the quality of the water supply for both Israelis and Palestinians. Excess extraction also resulted in a sharp drop in water quantity in Palestinian springs of the Jordan Valley.

9. Mekorot`s policy and operations ignore the Green Line

As part of the information provided to the public, Mekorot presents a map on its websiteof the National Water System, which shows all of the company enterprises. The Green Line is missing on this map, which reveals that Mekorot treats Israel and the OPT as one single territory. 

Palestinian communities in the OPT are also missing on Mekorot’s map, with only two exceptions (Ramallah and Bethlehem).

In sum, Mekorot develops and maintains a water system, which strengthens Israeli control over the West Bank, favors settlers and ignores the basic needs and even mere presence of the local Palestinian population.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412